SPECIAL FEATURE: Exposing U.S. Agents of Low-Intensity Warfare in Africa

The "Policy Wonks" Behind Covert Warfare & Humanitarian Fascism

SPLA Tank in South Sudan: An old SPLA army tank sits in the bush in Pochalla, Jonglei State, south Sudan in 2004. Israel, the United States, Britain and Norway have been the main suppliers of the covert low-intensity war in Sudan, organized by gunrunners and policy 'wonks'. Photo c. Keith Harmon Snow, 2004.

(CAMBRIDGE, MASS) - From the 1980s to today, an elite group of Western intelligence operatives have backed low-intensity guerrilla warfare in certain African 'hotspots'.

Mass atrocities in the Great Lakes and Sudan can be linked to Roger Winter, a pivotal U.S. operative whose 'team' was recently applauded for birthing the world's newest nation, South Sudan. Behind the fairytale we find a long trail of blood and skeletons from Uganda to Sudan, Rwanda and Congo.

While the mass media has covered their tracks, their misplaced moralism has simultaneously helped birth a new left-liberal 'humanitarian' fascism. In this falsification of consciousness, Western human rights crusaders and organizations, funded by governments, multinational corporations and private donors, cheer the killers and blame the victims---and pat themselves on the back for saving Africa from itself.

Meanwhile, the "Arab Spring" has spread to (north) Sudan. Following the NATO-Israeli model of regime change being used in Central & North Africa, it won't be long before the fall of Khartoum.

It is, oh! such a happy fairy tale! It begins as all happy fairy tales do, in fantasy land. The fantasy is one of human rights princes and policy 'wonks' in shining armor and the new kingdom of peace and tranquility, democracy and human rights, that they have created. That is what the United States foreign policy establishment and the corporate mass media---and not a few so-called 'human rights activists'---would have us believe about the genesis of the world's newest nation, South Sudan.

"In the mid-1980s, a small band of policy wonks began convening for lunch in the back corner of a dimly lit Italian bistro in the U.S. capital," wrote Rebecca Hamilton in the recent fairytale: "The Wonks Who Sold Washington on South Sudan."  Hamilton is a budding think-tank activist-advocate-agent whose whitewash of the low intensity war for Sudan (and some Western architects of it), distilled from her book Fighting for Darfur, was splashed all over the Western press on 11 July 2012. [1]

The photos accompanying Hamilton's story show a happy fraternity of 'wonks'---what exactly is a 'wonk'?---obviously being your usual down-jacket, beer- and coffee-slurping American citizens from white America, with a token black man thrown in to change the complexion of this Africa story.  Their cups are white and clean, their cars are shiny and new, their convivial smiles are almost convincing.  There is even a flag of the new country just sort of floating across Eric Reeves' hip. 

Because of Dr. Reeves'  'anti-genocide' work in Sudan, Boston College professor Alan Wolfe has written that the Smith College English professor is "arrogant to the point of contempt."  (I have had a similar though much more personal experience of Dr. Reeves' petulance.)  

wonk/wäNGk/

Synonyms: bookworm, dink [slang], dork [slang], geek, grind, swot [British], weenie, nerd

SPLA soldiers and captured GoS Tank: SPLA soldiers stand near a Government of Sudan (GoS) tank they destroyed at "Kit bridge battle" in south Sudan in early November 1995. SPLA soldiers commanded by Gabriel Majok Nak (third left) on standby for deployment. Photo by Jimmy Adriko on December 8, 1995, courtesy of the New Vision newspaper Kampala, Uganda.

These propaganda stories and the institutions that manufacture them also whiteout all Israeli ties to the carnage.  Israel routinely advised and trained the security forces of the Mobutu regime in Zaire and the Hissen Habre regime in Chad and they backed both Idi Amin and Museveni in their guerrilla wars.  Israeli MOSSAD agent David Kimche worked alongside Roger Winter to aide the RPF victory in Rwanda.  Israeli commanders were spotted on the battlefields of eastern Congo-Zaire and the Israeli firm Silver Shadow reportedly armed the Ugandan People's Defense Forces in their alliance with the Congolese warlord Jean Pierre Bemba and his ruthless Movement for the Liberation of Congo. [7]

Israel backed the SPLM with defense and intelligence cooperation for decades.  Israel backed the 'rebels' in Darfur, both the Sudan Liberation Army---an extension of the SPLM---and, more significantly, the so-called Justice and Equality Movement.  Tanks and artillery equipment were off-loaded at the U.S. military port of Mombasa, Kenya, and driven across Kenya and South Sudan. [8] 

Israel's support for the new South Sudan is no longer covert.  In April 2012, just before the full-scale SPLA offensive in the disputed Heglig border region, Israeli and South Sudanese newspapers reported that Israeli aircraft have been delivering military hardware and mercenaries (from other African countries) in South Sudan to fight against the Khartoum government.  South Sudanese soon after shot down a Sudanese MiG-29 fighter jet: the SPLA claimed that Khartoum "didn't know we have that capacity." [9]

In December 2011, Salva Kiir, South Sudan's new warlord president, chose Israel for one of his first official visits.  In November 2011 Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu hosted the leaders of Uganda and Kenya.  During his December visit, Kiir held meetings with President Shimon Peres, Benjamin Netanyahu and Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman.  These are the same players backing the Dan Gertler companies behind the dictatorship of Hyppolite Kanambe (alias Joseph Kabila) and the Western-backed plunder and depopulation in the Congo. [10]

On July 23, 2012, in return for decades of covert Israeli support for the SPLA's low-intensity war, the SPLA regime running the new South Sudan signed over Sudan's water rights and "infrastructure development" to Israel.  The deals were sealed by Israeli government and agents for Israeli Military Industries (IMI)---an aerospace and defense contractor fully owned by the Israeli government, and a prime U.S. military supplier.

Israeli and South Sudan: Israeli Prime Minsiter Benjamin Netanyahu with South Sudan President Salva Kiir in December 2011.

Meanwhile, the United States has routinely deployed covert forces in the Great Lakes, Chad, Ethiopia, Sudan, Somalia, Mali, Niger---all over the place.  In October, 2011, president Barack Obama announced that the Pentagon was sending "100 armed advisers" to Uganda.  An insult to the people's intelligence, these are not "armed advisers"---they are U.S. Special Forces.  But U.S. forces are all over the region, from Camp Hurso in Ethiopia and Camp Lemonnier in DJibouti to the new AFRICOM base in Kisangani, Congo.  Evidence of the Special Forces is obliterated by most news agencies.  If and when the presence of the U.S. military is revealed, it is casually noted, downplaying their presence, as if it were routine. 

For example, the Pentagon's special "conservationist" J. Michael Fay dropped a bombshell in disguise in the story "Ivory Wars: Last Stand in Zakouma" in the March 2007 print issue of National Geographic.  Ostensibly about elephants in Zakouma National Park in Chad, the story is more imperialist anti-Islamic propaganda related to the Arab militias on horses, hailing out of Darfur, known as Janjaweed.  "I saw a large helicopter to the southeast."  Fay builds the drama for the reader.  "It made straight for our truck.  We could run, but we couldn't hide.  It was a Russian-made Mi-17 with a missile launcher, the same type that had mistakenly fired the day before on a column of Chadian and American soldiers north of the park." [10-a]

Looking at the map, north of the park could be Chad or Sudan.  What is a column of American soldiers doing in Chad?  Or is it Darfur?  Well, obviously!  They are saving elephants!

A few days later, Fay reports "[a] pair of French military Mirage fighter jets running sorties toward Sudan (more than a thousand rebels were retreating there) buzzed the Tinga, spooking a herd of elephants I was watching at the pool."  Oh, and, by the way, "Marc Wall, the U.S. Ambassador to Chad, just happened to be visiting the park." [10-a]

The article reveals all without revealing anything.  The presence of French fighter jets, American soldiers, the U.S. Ambassador---who is out for a "safari"---provide proof of highly organized military campaigns that are rendered invisible by the propaganda system.

"Nationhood has many midwives," reads the long caption appearing with many of the Council of Wonks story photos.  But if the Council of Wonks are the 'midwives' of South Sudan's birthing process, their result has been a bloody abortion and a grotesquely deformed progeny whose 'leaders' are promoting ethnic hatred and selling the place off to the highest bidder.

Caption by Reuters: Smith College Professor and South Sudan expert Eric Reeves is pictured at home in Northampton, Massachusetts June 29, 2012.  Nationhood has many midwives. South Sudan is primarily the creation of its own people...  blah, blah, blah." REUTERS: Matthew Cavanaugh.

Operation Lifeline Sudan An International Rescue Committee plane flying from the United Nations' base for Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS) in Lokichogio, Kenya, lands in south Sudan's Jonglei State near Pochalla and is met by Anuak and Nuer refugees. The plane dropped a humanitarian mission to investigate attacks against Ethiopian Anuak and Nuer refugees in nearby Gambella state, Ethiopia, January 16-24, 2004. Photo c. Keith Harmon Snow, 2004.

Africa by and for Africans!  Notice how Rebecca Hamilton distances the U.S. government from the already 15 plus years of covert low-intensity warfare facilitated---since the early 1980's---by Roger Winter.  The military equipment is also described as 'surplus'---a ploy of plausible denial and disinformation that further downplays the covert support for a nasty and bloody low-intensity war in Sudan.  Of course, there is no mention of Roger Winter's role in the low-intensity wars in Africa's Great Lakes countries. 

"The Council's Deputy Emperor, Eric Reeves, joined in 2001."  Rebecca Hamilton writes.  "Reeves was a professor of English literature at Smith, a small college in Western Massachusetts.  He had no background in Sudan.  But after reading about the humanitarian conditions in the south and attending a lecture Winter gave at the college, Reeves became the Council's most prolific writer.  He published hundreds of opinion pieces and blogged detailed reports brimming with moral outrage against Khartoum." [18]

Dr. Eric Reeves is perhaps America's greatest emotional manipulator.  Reading his texts, one is overwhelmed by superlatives and assaulted by inflammatory emotional language.  "The brutal regime in Khartoum, the capital of Sudan, has orchestrated genocidal counterinsurgency war in Darfur for five years, and now is poised for victory in its ghastly assault on the region's African populations." [19] 

Add the delusions, the outright lies and invented facts provided from the field by the other members of the Council of Wonks, the arrogance and brow-beating of anyone who dissents against him, and the patriotism, and it is clear that Reeves demonstrates what Wilhelm Reich described as fascism. [20]

And then there is his petulant behavior.  Reeves tolerates zero criticism or divergence from the party line.  If he doesn't want to hear what someone has to say, and his mind is closed to alternative perspectives, he quite literally throws a temper tantrum: even Rebecca Hamilton wrote how he stormed out of a Save Darfur meeting. [21] 

Dr. Eric Reeves refuses to sit on any panels with anyone who deviates from his sacred script, and he can be downright nasty.  For example, on July 6, 2006, at Dr. Reeves' own Smith College, Reeves refused to participate in a panel on Darfur titled "Intervention, Regime Change and the Politics of Genocide" and he did not attend the event.  The head of Smith's African Studies, Dr, Eliot Fratkin, was one of the panel members, as was this journalist.  (Dr. Fratkin applauded the panel, at its conclusion, but Fratkin changed his position overnight and distanced himself the following day.) [21-a]

At Smith College on December 9, 2010, when a journalist interrupted Reeves during the question and answers session following Reeves' lecture on Darfur, Reeves went berserk: the journalist was assaulted by the event organizers, and Smith College security issued the journalist a "No Trespassing for Life" notice for three colleges: Smith College, Mt. Holyoke and Hampshire College.      

The mass media spread Reeves' Sudan propaganda far and wide, and whole social movements have been engineered---from Mia Farrow and George Clooney to the Darfur Action Group of the Northampton (MA)-based Congregation B'Nai Israel Church to the Holocaust Memorial Museum---to mobilize constituencies and misdirect public action.  The political calculus at work is based in a left-liberal hawkishness that has lost its moral compass, and this misplaced moralism is a cultural phenomenon that serves the powerful forces of Empire. 

This is what I call humanitarian fascism.  The cover story is full of fictions, little lies and outright disinformation.  While the resumés of most development and policy experts are typically findable on-line, the details of Prendergast, Dagne, D'Silva and Winter's careers are not so easily discoverable.

For example, in the late 1980's and early 1990's, John Prendergast worked in southern Sudan for several so-called non-government organizations that, in fact, have very close ties to the foreign policy and intelligence establishment: Bread for the World and Human Rights Watch. 

Access to south Sudan was facilitated through the so-called 'humanitarian' wing of the SPLM, the Sudan Relief and Rehabilitation Association (SRRA).  From Nairobi---a hub for U.S., British and Israeli defense and intelligence interests in East Africa and the Horn---western agents fly to Lokichogio, on the Kenya-Sudan border, where a United Nations base offered support for the billion dollar western misery-cum-missionary enterprise, Operation Lifeline Sudan.

Sudan in pictures: A racist, blurry, black, decontextualized New York Times Magazine photo that accompanied a Nicholas Kristof article.

Very euphemistically named, Bread for the World is a Christian faith-based organization close to the heart of the Christian Coalition.  Past and current Bread for the World directors have included U.S. Rep. Donald Payne (D-N.J.)(d. 2012) and Rep. Frank Wolf (R-VA).  Other directors include Clinton White House insiders Mike McCurry and---president Barack Obama's current Secretary of Defense and former CIA director (2009-2011)---Leon Panetta.

"In 1995, Christian Solidarity International initiated a controversial program in Sudan called slave redemption," wrote Rebecca Hamilton.  "The Zurich-based human-rights organization began paying slave traders for the freedom of southerners captured in raids by government-backed militias from the north.  Christian Solidarity took journalists and pastors from the black evangelical community along on their missions, and stories of modern-day slavery filtered into church congregations and the U.S. media."

Many Jewish and Christian political organizations and think tanks have supported the long years of covert low-intensity warfare in Sudan.  The religious propaganda produced by the policy wonks sold western minds to support a Jewish and Christian fundamentalist war against Islam that would otherwise never have existed.  The slavery campaigns amounted to one massive fabrication after another, Psy-Ops used against western 'news' consumers and the Christian and Jewish masses. [22] 

Intelligence operatives Ted Dange, John Prendergast and Roger Winter shuttled U.S. politicians to SPLM territory to see the misery for themselves---misery that the Council of Wonks' Dr. Eric Reeves always attributed to a "genocidal counterinsurgency by the Government of Sudan."  Nicholas Kristof took the flag and ran with it in such massive disinformation pieces as "The Secret Genocide Archive." [23]  Nicholas Kristof was rewarded with a Pulitzer Prize for his Sudan agitprop.

Roger Winter took Rep. Frank Wolf (R-VA) and another member of Congress (unnamed by Rebecca Hamilton) to meet SPLM commander John Garang on one of his visits to rebel-held areas of Sudan in 1989.  Ted Dagne's "network of southern Sudan allies in Congress solidified," Rebecca Hamilton wrote.  "He organized trips into SPLM-held areas for bipartisan delegations, including Tennessee Republican Sen. Bill Frist and the late New Jersey Democratic Rep. Donald Payne."

Donald Payne served on numerous top-level Congressional committees involved in African Affairs and he accompanied the Clinton's on the victory tour in Africa in 1998, he was arrested for protesting in front of the Sudan Embassy in 2001, and supported the Genocide Intervention Network, one of the Prendergast-linked intelligence agitprop groups.  Payne was tied to numerous other Christian-right charity organizations---like Servant's Heart---working in Africa, and to the Africa Society, a pro-business intelligence and propaganda front group.

SPLA child soldiers in south Sudan: photo courtesy of the New Vision newspaper, Kampala, Uganda.

The Council of Wonks are all well aware of the atrocities committed by the SPLM.  Like Human Rights Watch, and sometimes working for them, sometimes not, John Prendergast wrote about the SPLM campaigns of terror in south Sudan.  In his book, Frontline Diplomacy: Humanitarian Aid and Conflict in Africa, for example, Prendergast explores how the SPLM uses food as a weapon, how they shuttle refugees around for their strategic and tactical advantage, using people as human shields, attacking relief organizations and enforcing starvation to leverage foreign intervention.  Over the years however, Prendergast went silent on SPLM abuses.

The government think tank U.S. Institute for Peace (USIP) funded Prendergast's Frontline Diplomacy project, just as they funded Philip Gourevitch to travel back and forth to see his friend Paul Kagame and produce the 'non-fiction' propaganda book We wish to inform you that tomorrow we will be killed with our families: Stories from Rwanda (Verso, 1999). 

The USIP funded other Sudan and Rwanda propaganda, conferences and policy papers.  Speaking at a USIP conference titled "Religion, Nationalism and Peace in Sudan" on September 16-17,1997, Roger Winter reportedly demanded full-scale backing from the U.S. government for a war "to bring down the Khartoum government" in Sudan, adding, "even though I know it will bring about a humanitarian catastrophe."  John Prendergast and Ted Dagne were on the same panel as Winter, and Council of Wonks member Francis Deng spoke on another panel.  

Over the past few decades, the human rights agencies became and more and more muted about crimes committed by the U.S., the U.K. or Israel---if mentioned at all---with resources and public relations increasingly concentrated on documenting the crimes of 'enemies' that are in the way of Empire.  "The grand narrative of human rights contains a subtext which depicts an epochal contest pitting savages, on the one hand, against victims and saviors, on the other," writes Professor Makau Mutua. [28]

SPLM war crimes and crimes against humanity are documented in stark detail in the March 1990 Human Rights Watch/Africa Watch report Denying "The Honor of Living": Sudan, a Human Rights Disaster.  Between 1984 and 1989, the SPLM attacked southern Garrison towns, disappeared and tortured, and shot civilian airliners out of the sky.  In 1986, the SPLM attacked Ugandan (mostly Acholi) refugees in southern Sudan---forced out of Uganda by Museveni's NRM low-intensity war there---killing refugees and forcing at least 35,000 refugees back to insecurity in Uganda.  In 1989 the SPLM attacked Ethiopian refugee camps on the Ethiopian border.  Both instances were violations of international humanitarian law.  

As Operation Lifeline Sudan grew in scope, so too did the scale and magnitude of the crimes committed by the SPLM---and the sophistication of the western intelligence apparatus at hiding them.  The Council of Wonks and the 'human rights' establishment and the misery industry increasingly closed their eyes to SPLM atrocities, funded by western taxpayers, and increasingly honed and tuned the propaganda corps to demonize the Government of Sudan in keeping with the savior versus savage narrative at work behind the new humanitarian fascism.

Did the SPLM reform itself in the mid-1990s and post-2000 era?  Starting in 1999, from his offices at Smith College, policy wonk Eric Reeves screamed louder and louder---ever more hysterical by the day---about the Government of Sudan's bombing campaigns, the climbing death tolls, the genocide, and about our moral imperative to facilitate "regime change" in Khartoum by any means necessary.  Meanwhile, John Prendergast became increasingly silent about SPLM terrorism in Sudan in direct proportion to his proximity to the U.S. government.  The closer Prendergast got to the National Security apparatus---and the perks of power and private profit---the quieter he became. 

Ditto with Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International and the western human rights corpus.  The massive tome Leave None to Tell the Story: Genocide in Rwanda (1999), researched and written by Human Rights Watch agent Alison Des Forges, offers a scant 43 pages (out of 793 pages) on crimes committed by the "highly disciplined" RPF, and these crimes are often downgraded to allegations or unverified reports.  Roger Winter is not once mentioned in the book.  Alison Des Forges also worked as a consultant to USAID.

Similarly, the 343-page Human Rights Watch book Behind the Red Line: Political Repression in Sudan (1996) offers a mere 20 pages (out of 343 pages) attending to SPLM crimes, and these 20 pages also include further "Crimes by All Parties to the Conflict."   

As human rights and so-called humanitarian NGOs have evolved, they have become ever more focused on presenting western civilization as saviors and our proxy forces as victims, in a contest with savages.  In the case of the governments (and people) we wish to overthrow, the 'savages' are the Arab Government of Sudan, the Hutu government of Rwanda, and so on, and so forth.  It is all too easy for affluent westerners to adhere to this narrative.  

It is "a project for the redemption of the redeemers," writes Makau Mutua, "in which whites who are privileged globally as a people---who have historically visited untold suffering and savage atrocities against nonwhites---redeem themselves by 'defending' and 'civilizing' 'lower,' 'unfortunate,' and 'inferior' peoples." [28]
 

Eric Reeves Disinformation Graphic: 'They Bombed everything that Moved':
a flagrant example of Dr. Eric Reeves' highly incredible anti-Khartoum propaganda.

New York Times Magazine caption: Winter meets a Darfur rebel [sic], Minni Minawi, in Juba, Sudan.

Photo: Daniel Eiffe in Juba, Sudan.

Sudanese refugees at the Ethiopian border:  A makeshift refugee camp sports the usual western misery industry branding meant to stand out for fundraising purposes and product placement in western media productions.  Miserable conditions in Sudanese IDP and Ugandan and Ethiopian refugee camps in South Sudan dictate high levels of disease and death, and whole generations have been lost to misery.  Conditions at Sudanese refugee camps in Ethiopa, Kenya, and Uganda were equally miserable. Photo c. keith harmon snow, Pochalla, Sudan, 2004.

Unclassified Roger Winter document: Dated May 3, 1994 and stamped "UNCLASSIFIED", this document demonstrates the pro-RPF advocacy of Roger Winter and his associate, Jeff Drumtra, under cover of the U.S. Committee for Refugees during the so-called '100 days of genocide' (April 6 to July 15) in Rwanda in 1994.

Goma, Democratic Republic of Congo: Rwandan refugee camps that spotted the eastern frontier of the Congo (then Zaire), around Goma and Bukavu, were attacked by the RPF and U.S. troops in the fall of 1996. The Kagame regime began sending guerrilla death squads into Zaire as early as the summer of 1994, when the massive refugee exodus from Rwanda occurred. Photo c. keith harmon snow, 2006.

Roger Winter routinely lied, distorted the facts, and produced disinformation to cover up the RPF atrocities---including the genocide against at least 300,000 Hutu civilians in Eastern Congo from 1995 to 1998. 

"After the [1994] genocide, we failed to push hard enough to expel genocidal killers from refugee camps," Winter wrote, in 1998, exercising the standard good-versus-evil, savages-versus-saviors dichotomy that has been used to wholly dehumanize both the former Habyarimana government leaders and the Hutu people more generally, and to facilitate the genocide against them, "and we shrank from the truth that it was worth risking bloodshed to force a separation between killers and legitimate refugees." [46]

The truth that we shrink from is that the former Habyarimana government leaders were under attack, and they had a right to defend their country and their families.

Winter was meeting with the 'ADFL rebel leaders' in eastern Congo and defending them in the Washington Post even as the rebels were slaughtering Hutu people and Congolese civilians in the most ruthless campaign of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide in recent contemporary history, and one that---some 14 years after the atrocities occurred---was finally, though tepidly, referenced as 'genocidal' in a 2010 United Nations "Mapping Report" for the Democratic Republic of the Congo. [47]

"Some leaders despise their own citizens," Winter opined, in 1998, defending the guerrilla-democrats that Madeleine Albright and Philip Gourevitch and the New Yorker magazine lauded as 'a new breed of African leader'. [48]  "But sometimes governments are more inexperienced than evil."

The so-called 'inexperienced' leaders that Winter was defending were Rwanda's Kagame and Uganda's Museveni (Ethiopia's dictator Meles Zenawi was typically included in this group) and the reference extended to SPLA guerrilla commander John Garang and ADFL puppet 'commander' Laurent Kabila. 

Paul Kagame's operational military tactics and methods of information control were far from anything we might define as 'inexperienced'.  Kagame's doctrine of ensuring information shutdown was central to his strategy in the invasions of Rwanda and Congo-Zaire. 

"We used communication and information warfare better than anyone," Paul Kagame told Nik Gowing in an interview on 8 April 1998.  "We have found a new way of doing things."

"Many believe that this highly effective strategy of information control and access
shut down was the result of Kagame refining the knowledge of information warfare he
acquired during a U.S. Command and Staff course in 1990," wrote Nik Gowing, in a 1997-1998 study funded by the European Union. [49]

"Rwandan officials laugh off these suggestions.  They say Kagame only spent three months out of a planned twelve months as a Ugandan officer on a training course at Fort Leavenworth in Kansas.  He cut short his studies to return to lead and plan the RPF advance into northern Rwanda after the commander, Fred Rwigena, was killed in action.  However Kagame himself acknowledges the importance of the Fort Leavenworth contribution to his thinking, especially in information warfare and communications.  Kagame confirmed that "central to my studies in Leavenworth" were "organisation, tactics, strategy, building human resources, Psy-Ops [psychological operations], information, psychology and communications among the troops." [49]

Nik Gowing's credentials are very interesting.  From 1989-1998, Gowing worked variously as an international consultant, BBC World news anchor and diplomatic editor for Britain's Channel Four News.  His reports were aired frequently by the MacNeil/Lehrer NewsHour on PBS, NBC's SuperChannel and CNN International.  These are the same institutions that covered up Kagame's low-intensity guerrilla operations and subsequent crimes.  In 1994, Gowing was a resident fellow at the Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy in the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. [49]

Nik Gowing was also a Visiting Fellow in International Relations at Keele University, a board member for the British Association for Central and Eastern Europe, a member of the Director's Strategy Group at the Royal Institute of International Affairs in London, and a governor of the Westminster Foundation for Democracy---the British think tank that is funding pro-SPLM propaganda in alliance with USAID and Irish gunrunner Daniel Eiffe.

Nik Gowing's potentially volatile 1998 conference paper did nothing to hold anyone account for recent past abuses or to forestall the terrorism that the 'new breed of African leaders' would soon unleash on Central Africa.  

"The full picture of Rwandan, Ugandan and---arguably---non-regional involvement has yet to be uncovered," Gowing wrote.  Like Samantha Power in her September 2001 Atlantic Monthly disinformation feature "Bystanders to Genocide," Gowing suggests that the many high-level sources he interviewed are honest and their statements can be taken at face value.  "Extensive high-level interviewing for this study has provided evidence of limited political, logistical and advisory support by both regional and nonregional powers.  Hearsay and circumstantial evidence is reported.  However, despite widespread concerns at the time of writing there is scant documentary proof or evidence of either direct backing or complicity.  Rwandan officials from Vice President Paul Kagame downwards deny emphatically any such relationship." [49]

Really?  It seems that the evidence of foreign backing for the RPF/UPDF invasion was readily available.  Notably, though Gowing interviewed and quoted many 'humanitarian aid' professionals on the ground in Central Africa, most are not named, and he never mentions Roger Winter.  "There remain many 'whisky talk' suspicions about outside, non-regional involvement," he concluded. [49]

Both the U.S. and France deployed large teams of special operations forces in Central Africa.  In Goma, at this time, a western war correspondent photographed U.S. Special Forces machine-gunning unarmed refugee men, women and children in what he described as "one of the most horrible examples of mass atrocities I have ever seen."  He was later threatened into silence by U.S. officials.  The U.S. military was all over Bujumbura, Kigali and Entebbe. [50]

"U.S. agents were seen with rebels in Zaire," reported the Boston Globe on October 8, 1997.  "Active participation is alleged in military overthrow of Mobutu." [51]  Was this Roger Winter?

To funnel selected intelligence to United Nations headquarters' Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO), the U.N. had created a special multinational intelligence Situation Center (SitCen) in New York.  The SitCen's new Information and Research (I&R) Unit existed from 1993 to 1999, providing "significant and useful intelligence about arms shipments, belligerent activities," noted Canadian military expert A. Walter Dorn, "and the status of refugees and [making] several prescient predictions and warnings." [52]

The SitCen was staffed and informed by Russian, French, British, and U.S. defense and intelligence officials seconded to the operation.  "These individuals maintained substantial links to the intelligence services of their home countries, most having come from these agencies. They were 'the interface' with these intelligence services. In return for the loan of these officers and the information they provided, the nations sought the U.N.'s coded cables (situation reports) from the field, some of which may have made their way back to national capitals, a prospect that displeased some U.N. Secretariat officials." [52]

The U.N.s DPKO received credible intelligence documenting that Kagame's RPF forces were engaged in 'pseudo-operations' that are the signature of Kagame's and Museveni's guerrilla terrorism in the entire region: disguising themselves and their atrocities as the work of the 'enemy'---the Lord's Resistance Army, the Mai Mai, the FDLR, the Interahamwe, government forces of Milton Obote in Uganda or Juvenal Habyarimana in Rwanda---pick your bogeymen.

"The I&R Unit reports describe night raids by the Zairian rebel [ADFL] forces....In an act of deception, the government of Rwanda stationed its forces 'under the disguise of Banyamulenge' in Zaire to protect hydroelectric plants that provide power to both Rwanda and Burundi (19 December 1996)."  [52]

"The I&R Unit boldly asserted that the Tutsi rebellion was backed by 'American teams' (6 February 1997).  Despite official U.S. support for the Canadian-led humanitarian mission in November-December 1996, the Unit alleges that the U.S. sought to undermine the operation: 'On the American request to deter the deployment of a U.N.-authorized Multi-National Force led by a Canadian General, the RPF [Rwandan army] along with ADFL [rebel group] elements lured the ex-FAR and Interahamwe in a combat operation north of the Muganga camp (Zaire)." [52]

"If these allegations were true," Dorn wrote, "it has a striking parallel with duplicity in the Congo mission in the 1960s.  While U.N. forces were protecting the Congolese leader Patrice Lumumba as part of a U.N. operation explicitly backed (and partly paid for) by the U.S., CIA operatives in the Congo were trying to assassinate him and later backed the Army Chief Joseph Mobutu as he seized the Presidency." [52]

"The U.S. position after the attack was clear: it wanted the mission aborted," wrote Dorn.  "The U.S. estimate of the number of remaining refugees was almost 400,000 less than the consensus figures used by the humanitarian community.  Lieutenant General Maurice Baril, the Multinational Force Commander, was suspicious of U.S. reports of numbers, which were too rapidly sliding downwards.  Members of the I&R Unit had briefed him on what they believed was [U.S.] disinformation.  Both the French and British officers in the Unit were tracking the numbers. France was providing figures from overflights with Mirage jets.  The British officer was gaining information from U.N. agencies on the ground (e.g., UNHCR, UNICEF, WFP, etc.). They both concluded that the U.S. numbers were far too low." [52]

"One is left to wonder if a strong early U.N. intervention could have saved the Congo from the subsequent chaos and loss of over three million lives," Dorn concluded, "or at least have mitigated the human tragedy." [52]

Had Kagame been stopped cold in 1998, millions upon millions of Congolese people, and uncountable Rwandan people, would likely not have been raped, mutilated or killed---and the Congo would be a very different place than it is today. 

Gowing's report reads like an after-the-fact apology of why and how journalists and 'humanitarian' NGO's couldn't report the truth about the mass slaughter of Congolese IDPs and Rwandan refugees.  "I had no doubt it was genocide," he quotes one unnamed NGO insider to say.  "We still had no doubt, but should we say it was genocide?  No." [52]

According to the glowing Western propaganda, the new breed of African leader was supposedly determined to steer Africa in a new direction, and it would behoove the world to allow them some latitude in their excesses.  "Central Africa's new leaders have the enormous task of reassembling nations that are among the poorest on earth, ethnically divided," wrote Roger Winter, "riven with corruption and saturated with arms and shadowy groups willing to use those arms to gain power." [53]

Roger Winter never failed to remind the good and caring media consumers of the West about the shadowy forces of evil who are 'saturated with arms' and---unlike the guerrilla forces of the SPLM or the NRM or the RPF (or Roger Winter himself)---willing to use these arms to destroy all the good that had been ostensibly achieved through Roger Winter's selfless dedication to human rights and statecraft.

"The military in Rwanda is more willing to listen to criticism if we acknowledge the difficulties they face in waging counterinsurgency wars," Winter added, again casting the criminal aggressors as the aggrieved victims.  Looking back at Winter's statements made at the time these crimes were fresh (1994, 1995, 1996, 1997, 1998, etc.), we see in his unabashed defense of the murderous ADFL guerrillas---themselves comprised mostly of the RPF and UPDF and some smaller numbers of Eritrean, Ethiopian and SPLM regulars---a conscious admission that massive atrocities had been and were still being committed.  Yet Winter apologizes away all responsibility. [53]

Does Roger Winter ever suggest that the United States or Israel should acknowledge the difficulties that the Government of Sudan faces in waging its "genocidal counterinsurgency war" against the SPLM?
 
"It seems certain that thousands of Rwandan refugees and genocidaires (those who commit genocide) were killed last year [1997] during the civil war [sic] that brought Congo's new leaders to power," Winter wrote.  "Less certain is whether [Laurent] Kabila and his colleagues [Kagame, Museveni] actively sought to kill refugees---or whether the deaths resulted from poor military tactics, lack of troop discipline or the actions of foreign soldiers. A U.N. human rights investigation is examining those questions."

Roger Winter had it both ways.  He regularly described Kagame and the RPF as highly disciplined and responsible, good-intentioned and cooperative, open to human rights monitoring.  Here he is dismissing the brutal slaughter and the hunting down and killing of hundreds of thousands of innocent and unarmed Hutu civilians---mostly women and children---on the grounds that perhaps the ADFL [read: RPF] were suffering from "poor military tactics" or "lack of troop discipline."  We should excuse the RPF, faced with "the difficulties of waging counterinsurgency war," but when the Government of Sudan is faced with counterinsurgency war they are guilty of genocide.

Pochalla, south Sudan: Suffering Ethiopian refugees get a sermon in 2004. Photo c. Keith Harmon Snow, 2004.

While we observe these rationalizations of cold-blooded murder, remember that Roger Winter ostensibly worked as an advocate for refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), employed by an organization called the U.S. Committee for Refugees.  According to his supposed job description---ever touted by the western press and U.S. State Department---Winter was an advocate for vulnerable people caught up in the maelstrom of war.  However, he behaves instead like an apologist for murder who blames the victims and protects their killers. 

"For more on this story we are joined by Roger Winter, the director of the U.S. Committee for Refugees, a private, non-profit organization advocating protection and assistance of displaced persons," reported National Public Radio icon Charlyne Hunter-Gault on May 17, 1997.  "He spent almost two weeks with the leader of the rebel movement, Laurent Kabila, since the conflict began more than four months ago." [54]

Charlayne Hunter-Gault advanced several lines of disinformation already put in motion by the U.S. State Department and its subservient western media organizations.  First was the idea Laurent Kabila was the 'leader of the rebel movement', the ADFL.  This fiction was peddled with the utmost seriousness in the western press.  Combined with the Psy-Op that this was a 'homegrown rebellion' against President Mobutu, this served to render Kagame, Kabarebe, Museveni, Salim Saleh and the real ADFL leadership invisible.  Even more invisible, then, was the Pentagon's involvement. [54]

Second was the false theme that Roger Winter had only recently established communications with the ADFL 'rebels', and this around the time of the fall of the city of Kisangani---some eight months into the genocidal campaign against the Hutu refugees in Congo-Zaire's forests.  In reality, Winter was in constant liaison with the U.S.-backed RPF rebels as they invaded Congo-Zaire from Rwanda.  As previously noted, Winter's comraderie with the RPF power structure was established as early as 1988 in Washington D.C., and he was no stranger to RPF operations zones during the four year civil war (1990-1994) in Rwanda.

Deflecting the gaze of western media consumers from seeing the truth---that this is a western-backed invasion led by a western proxy army in contravention of international law---Charlayne Hunter-Gault asks the standard leading question about Tutsis being under attack, falsely framing the discussion of war and plunder in Congo-Zaire around the need to protect Tutsi people from genocide of the kind that (we were all told) spontaneously erupted in Rwanda.
"Because this started," Charlayne Hunter-Gault points out, "of course, when the Tutsis in the Eastern part of Zaire were threatened with expulsion by Mobutu, rose up in arms, and so [Kabila] joined that." [54]

"Exactly.  What happened was, in my view, that what was triggered, the fuse was lit by this so-called planned expulsion of the Banyamulenge, this Tutsi population you're talking about," Roger Winter duplicitously explains.  "But it's rapidly evolved far beyond the Tutsi issue or Rwanda-related issue, as a lot of outsiders would seek to make it.  What it's become is a struggle for a new Zaire.  That's what's unfolding right now. And it's important to have that as the context, not some exterior outside forces." [54]

Roger Winter's deceptions run deep.  To begin with, the whole notion of Banyamulenge rights in Congo-Zaire is highly contested.  Instead, the pro-Tutsi agenda uses the argument of an ever present threat of a Tutsi genocide in Congo-Zaire as carte-blanche justification for Kagame's military operations in eastern Congo.  In the PBS Newshour interview with Charlayne Hunter-Gault, Winter revealed that he had visited 'rebel' bases, plural, a remarkable impossibility for your average humanitarian aid worker, made possible in fact by Roger Winter's close association with the rebels, the U.S. military and the intelligence establishment.  This is the profile of a covert operator, a cold warrior, an Iran-contra gunrunner type outfitting rebels and providing a liaison for logistics and communications in low-intensity wars. [54]

Rwanda, Congo-Zaire, Sudan---Roger Winter ran a covert arms operation for the United States military, funding and supplying and advising guerrillas in-low intensity warfare.

"Well, let me say when I was with [Kabila] the last week or so of January," Winter said, "it was very clear to me that young [Congolese] men of all ethnic stripes from all over the country were rallying to that cause.  I went to some military training bases, and the young men who were training were not Tutsi.  They were from Chaba.  They were from all over the country, and exiles returning.  He was setting up a civil structure to govern, as it were, the areas that were under his control, and the great bulk of the people were not Banyamulenge.  They were from all over the country." [54]

In fact, the 'rebels' were most heavily drawn from the ranks of the RPF and UPDF, with assorted Ethiopian, Eritrean and SPLA regulars, and some Congolese Tutsis (Banyamulenge).  In fact, there were also plenty of Congolese boys---the 'kidogo' child soldiers---and these were intentionally armed and sent to the frontlines where they were meant to draw enemy fire.  The kidogo---the Sons of Congo---were sacrificed, in cold blood.

Roger Winter was on the ground in eastern Congo during the RPF attacks on refugee camps, shuttling back and forth between the Kivu provinces and the U.S. embassy and RPF headquarters in Rwanda. 

According to professor Filip Reyntjens, one of the foremost experts on Central African affairs: on 16 November 1996, "the day after the attack against Mugunga refugee camp, Roger Winter organised a meeting between Laurent Kabila, the ADFL figurehead, and U.S. special envoy Ambassador Richard Bogosian, Ambassador Robert Gribbin, and a U.S. military colonel reporting to U.S. General Edwin P. Smith military and U.S. diplomats."  Dr. Reyntjens exposes the false statements made by Ambassador Gribbin and General Smith. Major Richard Orth, a long time agent of the Defense Intelligence Agency, was an ardent RPF collaborator, to the point of embarrassing the U.S. State Department. [55]

U.S. Major-General Edward Smith stated categorically that aerial and satellite reconnaissance backed the US claim that almost all the refugees had returned to Rwanda.  The Pentagon and U.S. State Department's recent production of satellite images for anti-Hutu asylum removals in the U.S. is striking evidence that the U.S. has superior intelligence about what was happening where and when. [50]

Knowing perfectly well that U.S. covert forces and military advisers were on the ground in support of the RPF invasion, Winter produced disinformation to counter international efforts to provide a multinational peacekeeping force to intervene to protect some 1.2 million Hutu refugees in eastern Congo-Zaire.  In another USCR production co-signed by Jeff Drumtra Winter wrote: "We should only send troops to eastern Zaire if their purpose is to disarm Rwandan Hutu killers who participated in the 1994 genocide." [56]

Winter sold the same disingenuous line used in Rwanda in 1994: an international peacekeeping force would only strengthen the 'Rwandan Hutu killers'.  "As long as the international force pledges not to confront the killers," Winter wrote, November 21, 1996, clearly working on behalf of the RPF and not for the protection of vulnerable Rwandan and Congolese populations, "the force would not be useful and could be counterproductive." [56]

Winter was not the only one who lied.  U.S. Ambassador Bill Richardson and Madeleine Albright did their share, lying through their teeth about the Pentagon's holocaust in Zaire.

Winter then redoubled the lies, providing doublespeak about Pentagon forces being deployed to ostensibly protect Rwandan Hutu refugees that were forced back to Rwanda, and downplaying the numbers of returning Hutu refugees: "U.S. officials have indicated that a small American military contingent will help provide humanitarian assistance inside Rwanda to 600,000 former refugees who have returned home in the past week." [56]

Translated to tactical and strategic military language: The RPF wanted a clear path to dominate the enemy--eliminating as many Hutu people as possible--and achieve a decisive military victory.  Hutu refugees were not only slaughtered in Congo-Zaire, but also on return to Rwanda.

Roger Winter was blatantly supporting the RPF military campaign, while disingenuously arguing that it best served the interests of millions of Rwandan survivors.  These were absolutely destitute human beings, ematiated, hopeless and sick after months of intentional starvation under an macabre UNHCR policy of intentional withholding of food in the camps in eastern Congo: the World Food Program rations were stored over the summer of 1996 and only disbursed to arriving RPF troops in September and October.  These were the survivors of the RPF bombing campaign against the refugee camps--survivors of some 6 years of persecution and terrorism against them that began with the RPF invasion of October 1990.

Kagame complained that an international force deployed to eastern Congo-Zaire might strengthen his adversaries and inhibit the RPF's absolute victory.  These strategic objectives had previously been demonstrated to succeed: between April and July of 1994, Kagame threatened the international community promising that the RPF would attack U.N. troops if the United Nations Assistance Mission to Rwanda (UNAMIR II) was expanded and strengthened. Instead, UNAMIR was gutted.  As evidence of their belligerence--and their determination to annihilate the Rwandan masses--RPF troops engaged in combat with the French-led forces from the U.N.-authorized 'Operation Turquoise' dispatched on June 21, 1994 to create a safe zone' in the southern prefectures of Rwanda.

Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC) in North Kivu: The U.N. creation of FARDC 'integrated' brigades offered the perfect 'Trojan Horse' to facilitate Rwandan military infiltration of eastern Congo. Photo c. Keith Harmon Snow 2005.

Following suit in Congo-Zaire in 1996, Kagame's RPF troops and Pentagon backers similarly lobbied to prevent international forces from being deployed to provide any humanitarian protection for the millions of refugees.  Roger Winter was their point man in Washington, their leading advocate in the propaganda diplomacy to win hearts and minds for the RPF plans, and he is culpable in the subsequent war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide that have occurred in the Great Lakes since, beginning with the first UPDF invasion of Rwanda of 1 October 1990 and up to the present day Rwandan occupation of eastern Congo.

While the Pentagon and U.S. State Department and the U.N. Security Council feigned concern for some 1.2 million Rwandan refugees in eastern Congo-Zaire in the fall of 1996, they had no real intention of doing anything but stalling, enabling the RPF to advance the invasion as the Pentagon proxy.  This involved U.S. covert forces, heavy weaponry provided by Washington, troop deployments supported by C-130 aircraft, and state-of-the-art Command, Control, Communications, Computers, Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (C4ISR) support, including massive satellite dishes installed on Idjwe Island in Lake Kivu and in the Ruwenzori Mountains on the Uganda border.

Roger Winter's ploy for the RPF succeeded in forestalling a multinational intervention.  The western press seized on the idea that western policy-makers could do nothing but stall and argue about who would pay for 'humanitarian' troop deployments.

Winter and the USCR also engaged in the sinister campaign to convince the world that hundreds of thousands of refugees from Rwanda and Burundi--now mixed with hundreds of thousands of IDPs from Congo--were few in number, had all neatly crossed the border back to 'safety' in Rwanda and Burundi, or simply could not be found.  Again, nothing could have been further from the ugly truth. [56]

"Uncertainty persists about the number, locations, and condition of Rwandan refugees in Zaire in the aftermath of violence in the past month.  Several hundred thousand Zairians have also been affected by the violence," Roger Winter and Jeff Drumtra stated in the USCR report of November 21, 1996. [56]

Winter's USCR communiqué of November 26, 1996 responded directly to the international debate about the massive discrepancies in the estimates of the numbers of refugees (and IDPs) remaining in Congo-Zaire.  However, Roger Winter further advocated that the only reasonable and effective solution to aiding these refugees (and IDPs) was to negotiate with the ADFL rebels for "improved access by humanitarian workers into eastern Zaire using Rwanda as a staging base for humanitarian supplies."  This advocacy relied on the oft-stated premise that the RPF military were the good guys, that they had "stopped the [Tutsi] genocide of 1994," and it relied on the Psy-Op that the RPF was a disciplined, responsible and accountable fighting force that could be trusted to do the right thing according to international norms. [56]

In this disinformation communiqué, Winter proposed that the numbers of uprooted Rwandan, Burundian and Zairean people remaining in eastern Zaire were between 510,000 and 950,000. He also reported that the USCR had conducted nine site visits to eastern Zaire and Rwanda since 1994--making it clear that Winter maintained a constant presence in the region.


While covering up the massive RPF atrocities and U.S. covert forces machine-gunning of Rwandan refugees and Congolese civilians from Bukavu to Kisangani and all the way across the vast Congo, the western propaganda system finally declared that the refugees had rescued themselves.  Nothing could have been further from the truth.

"Americans can be forgiven if they are frequently confused about foreign policy," wrote the U.S. State Department media conduit Johanna McGreary, who uses journalism as her cover . "Like last week, when the pictures and the words looked remarkably out of synch to anyone trying to make sense of events in Africa. There was Bill Clinton announcing that the U.S. would participate 'in principle' in an international military force to rescue more than half a million sick and starving Rwandan refugees caught up in brutal tribal war. Even as he spoke, hundreds of thousands of them appeared on TV screens, marching safely out of Zaire back across the border to the homeland they had fled two years [earlier]."

Amongst the most egregious and offensive examples of the contempt, arrogance and white supremacy of the capitalist media system, this 'news' feature was published even as hundreds of thousands of innocent refugees--mostly women and children--were being hunted down and killed by the U.S. proxy forces directed by Roger Winter.

Over the next nine months, Hutu refugees who fled westward into Congo's forests were hunted all across the vast Congo, into Central African Republic and Congo-Brazzaville.  With a bounty in U.S. dollars paid by UNHCR, they were even hunted in Gabon, Cameroon, Angola and Zambia.

"In northwest Rwanda, reports suggest that government troops have killed thousands of people during counterinsurgency operations," Winter continued, not specifying the year(s) he is referring to, as he in turns performs mental gymnastics to shield the RPF and UPDF domestic terror operations inside Rwanda. [56]

The Kagame/Museveni war machine massacred at least tens of thousands of Rwandans (mostly but not only Hutus) as it invaded northern Rwanda from Uganda, 1990-1994, and these were not "counterinsurgency operations", but insurgency.  Declassified documents produced by relief organizations during the so-called '100 days of genocide' in 1994 show that it was the RPF killing Hutus--and not genocidal Interahamwe or the Hutu Armed Forces of Rwanda (FAR) killing Tutsis--and dumping the bodies in the Kagera River of northwest Rwanda. [50]

Throughout the late summer and fall of 1994 the RPF continued to commit massive atrocities against the population, documented in part by the infamous Robert Gersony, a highly respected consultant hired by UNHCR, whose then unwelcome report remains buried in the bowels of the United Nations.  The premeditated mass murders at Kibeho in 1995 followed.  In 1996 and 1997 scores of thousands, at the very least, of refugees returning from Congo-Zaire (the survivors of the coordinated RPF attacks against refugee camps in Zaire) were slaughtered in Rwanda's Volcanoes National Park. [50]

In the end, Roger Winter sounds more like the Council of Wonk's Goebbels-esque Minister of Propaganda, Dr. Eric Reeves.  "What is less clear is the extent to which the killings are intentional massacres, or whether genocidaire insurgents are again using civilian populations as human shields in combat zones." [56]

'Genocidaires' are Hutus by international consensus, and Hutus are genocidaires by international consensus, and genocidaire is the code word used to describe the local bogeyman ever out to destroy democracy in the Great Lakes theater.

Does anyone see the irony in Roger Winter's suggestion that Rwandan genocidaire insurgents are "again using civilian populations as human shields in combat zones?"  Such is exactly the modus operandi of the SPLM.  Classic guerrilla warfare as practiced by the Sudan People's Liberation Movement has been premised on the SPLM's ability to disappear into the vast landscape and become invisible amidst the civilian populations of South Sudan.

This is classic low-intensity warfare, and it is combined with modern propaganda, psychological operations, electioneering, and 'human rights' and 'democracy' promotion by means of the distrubution of large sums of cash, the purchasing of local agents and the commodification of civil society through punishment and reward.

The recent "Arab Spirng" uprisings in Khartoum signal further destabilization by the U.S. and its allies.  The SPLA have been armed and are being prepared to complete the mission of regime change in Sudan.  It happened the same, slightly differently, in Rwanda.

This is how the United States of America, Canada, Britain, our European allies, and Israel, have carved a 'newly independent state' out of the formerly autonomous sovereign nation of Sudan.  This is how the same western alliance used low-intensity warfare to bring disaster capitalism to first Uganda, then Rwanda, and then the Congo.  Wonkfare in America, warfare in Africa.   It is time to issue indictments.

Keith Harmon Snow is a war correspondent, photographer and independent investigator, and a four time Project Censored award winner.  He is the 2009 Regent's Lecturer in Law & Society at the University of California Santa Barbara, recognized for over a decade of work, outside of academia, contesting official narratives on war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide while also working as a genocide investigator for the United Nations and other bodies.  He has worked extensively in the Great Lakes region of Africa.  From 2004 to 2006 he worked as a consultant for Genocide Watch and Survivor's Rights International, and he traveled to south Sudan in 2004.  He worked as genocide investigator for the United Nations in Ethiopia in 2005.

------------------------
NOTES:


[1] Rebecca Hamilton, Fighting for Darfur: Public Action and the Struggle to Stop Genocide, Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.


[2] Steve Weissman, "Rwanda - Whose Genocide?" truthout, March 31, 2004. Stephen R. Weissman, formerly Staff Director of the U.S. House of Representatives Subcommittee on Africa, has been a senior governance adviser to the U.S. Agency for International Development, associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and Ford Foundation program officer.


[3] Max and Paul Warburg and other associates financed the rise of Adolph Hitler. While German members of the Warburg organizations affiliated with I.G. Farben were tried and convicted at Nuremburg, neither Max nor Paul nor any of their top affiliates at the U.S. subsidiary of I.G. Farben were ever charged. See, e.g.: Antony C. Sutton, The Empire of I.G. Farben: Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler, Clairview Books, 2010.


[4] The Aspen Institute has hosted Rwanda's president Paul Kagame, and it's board of directors include Nicholas Kristof (the Darfur, Sudan 'genocide' Pulitzer winner) and Madeleine Albright (former Secretary of State during the Clinton administration's covert operations in Africa).  The Aspen Institute describes itself as an "international non-profit organization dedicated to informed dialogue and inquiry on issues of global concern."  However, along with Fareed Zacharia--whose productions in Newsweek support some of the West's most flagrant Psy-Ops against Western 'news' consumers--are a whole phalanx of defense and intelligence operatives.  Most notable in relation to wars and interventions in Africa include Retired U.S. Army Lt. Gen. Brent Scowcroft, former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, former CIA Director John Deutch, former Secretary of Defense William Perry (1994-1997), and New York Times Corporation 'journalist' Nicholas Kristof.


[5] Eliza Griswold, "The Man For a New Sudan," New York Times Magazine, June 15, 2008.


[6] For this story, all subversive guerrilla campaigns will be identified using the names of their political wings: SPLM, NRM, RPF, and ADFL. The Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) is the political wing of former commander John Garang's guerrilla forces called the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA). The National Resistance Movement (NRM) was the political wing of Yoweri Museveni's guerrilla forces called the National Resistance Army (NRA); after 1986, the NRA were renamed the Uganda People's Defense Forces (UPDF). The Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) was the political wing of Paul Kagame's guerrilla forces called the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA). The ADFL refers to the acronym attached to the forces of the Alliance for the Democratic Liberation of Congo-Zaire, though these were comprised most heavily of RPA and UPDF regulars, virtually all of whom came from Uganda.


[7] Wayne Madsen, Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa, 1993-1999, Mellon Press, 1999: p. 463.
[8] See, e.g., keith harmon snow, "The Winter of Bashir's Discontent: AFRICOM's Covert War in Sudan," AllThingsPass.com, March 4, 2009.


[9] Daniel Siryoti, Shlomo Cesana, The Associated Press and Israel Hayom Staff, "Israeli 'Elements' reported to be Arming South Sudan Army," Israel Hayom, August 8, 2012.


[10] See: keith harmon snow, "Gertler's Bling Bang Torah Gang: Israel and the Ongoing Holocaust in Congo," Dissident Voice, February 9, 2008.


[11] Personal communication, Luke Chuol, July 31, 2012.


[12] William I. Robinson, Promoting Polyarchy: Globalization, U.S. Intervention, and Hegemony, Cambridge University Press, 1996: p. 82.


[13] Eric Thomas Chester, Covert Network: Progressives, the International Rescue Committee, and the CIA, M.E. Sharpe, 1994.


[14] USAID operative Brian D'Silva and Department of State operative Ted Dagne will not be addressed at length in this report.  According to their own bios: Brian D'Silva has over 25 years of experience working on Sudan issues and in Sudan.  He served as Ford Foundation Visiting Professor at the University of Khartoum and also with USAID/Sudan in Khartoum in the
1980s. In the 1990′s, he worked on Sudan issues from USAID's Regional Office in Nairobi.  Ted Dagne is Specialist in International Relations, Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade at the Congressional Research Service, the public policy research arm of the U.S Congress. Ted has also served as a Professional Staff Member for the House Foreign Affairs Committee and as Special Adviser to U.S. Special Envoy to Sudan and to the Assistant Secretary of State, Department of State.  Ted has conducted over 2,000 major studies on African affairs and he is the Associate Editor of the Mediterranean Quarterly Journal.


[15] James A. Chapman, et al, Agriculture and Natural Resources Strategy Assessment, Chemonics International, for USAID Project No. 650-0071-3-30123, December 1987.

[15-a] See, e.g., keith harmon snow, Oil in Darfur? Covert Ops in Somalia? The New Old Humanitarian Warfare in Africa, Global Research, February 7, 2007.

[15-b] Eric Reeves, "Regime Change in Sudan," Washington Post, 23 August 2004: p. A15.


[16] J.F. Pirro, "John Prendergast: A Larger-Than-Life Humanitarian With an Undying Mission," Mainline Today, November 16, 2011.

[17] Dr. Yaa-Lengi Ngemi and the CongoCoalition's letter to editor Hobart Rowland and writer J.F. Pirro were posted on the article on December 15, 2011, but were subsequently deleted. The letter is reproduced here in full:

[Dear Hobart Rowland:

About J.F. Pirro describing John Prendergast [JP]: Since 2000 when we published our book, GENOCIDE IN THE CONGO, we have struggled to raise the issue of Gongo genocide by attempting to expose the criminals, their sponsors, and their apologists.  It has been a long struggle because those dying are Africans and Black while those benefiting are mostly whites outside of Africa.  And, until a white person sees the little 9 year-old African girl being gang raped as his own little daughter or the 30 year-old woman who is gang-raped then mutilated then her genitals carved off and carried away as his own wife or sister, until then, white journalists and "activists" can only scratch each other's back, blow each other's trumpet in order to make themselves feel good, raise money, hobnob all over the world giving the poor and the downtrodden scraps left over after they have enjoyed the money they raise in the name of "doing good" or "preventing genocide and crimes against humanity" instead of STOPPING the genocide going on RIGHT NOW.

Take your subject, JP, whom we have confronted in New York City (Columbia University) and Washington D.C. (a few times). While you sing his praises, the Congolese people who have been dying since 1996 have NO use of JP, though he might go by there and spread some crumbs around from the money he raises and lives by. WHY? Let me put it this way for you to understand: It's like raising money to feed someone in chains and who is being tortured everyday instead of denouncing and getting rid of the brutes torturing the man.

To wit, your JP has NEVER denounced his former boss Bill Clinton who was behind the invasion of the Congo in 1996, in the first place (watch on Youtube "Crisis in the Congo: Uncovering the Truth", so you can get an idea; with apologies to a great friend of mine who, rightly, feels the video does not give the whole truth).

Neither has your JP ever before denounced Paul Kagame--Bill Clinton's personal friend and Hitler-in-Chief--for the millions of Congolese dead at his hands, nor exposed Hyppolite Kanambe, the former intelligence officer in Paul Kagame's army who was set up in the Congo as "president", a.k.a. "Joseph Kabila".

We confronted your JP and he couldn't defend his stance. Now he is beginning to "mention" Rwanda and Uganda; however, Enough Project continues with its line of business: Do not denounce Bill Clinton, Kagame, Museveni, Kanambe, or the multinationals, and do not call the world governments (who actually are behind the genocide in the first place) to either demand that Kagame and Museveni get out of the Congo and carry their Trojan Horse, Kanambe "Kabila" with them or that the world governments go in the Congo, as they did in Europe against the Nazis, and kick out the Rwandans, the Ugandans, and Hyppolite Kanambe who have been slaughtering the Congolese.

We understand, of course, that the views of Black Africans like us won't make either your JP or his former master Bill Clinton loose his sleep over the millions of Conglese killed while they trot all over the place as "humanitarians". Thus the Genocide in the Congo goes on, the gang rapes continue, and Enough blames it on "minerals" and promotes laws on "minerals" (they won't even demand that the US Congress implements Law 109-456 that was signed by George W. Bush in 2006 because it will expose their sponsors. Just imagine, if, during the European holocaust, the world had talked about passing laws to denounce the use of Jews in the factories in Germany instead of denouncing and going in there to get rid of Hitler and his killing machine.

Yeah, as you wrote, "whatever it takes to raise the funding", that's what Bill Clinton, your JP, and their likes are all about. And, whether the Clooneys, the Mia Farrows, the Ryan Coslings, and their likes embrace the Bill Clintons and your JP out of blind admiration or ignorance, that's between them and the Almighty GOD (I, too, voted for Bill Clinton twice, but I'd rather denounce him after I found out the Truth, than end up as the Rich Man in Hell begging Lazarus for some H2O through Abraham).

Now, keep in mind that there are whites who, like Keith Harmon Snow, have decided that WE ARE ALL HUMAN BEINGS AND GOD'S CREATION so, they will denounce anyone, Black or white, who pussy-foot around instead of denouncing and acting to rid the world of those funding, promoting, committing, and apologizing for the GENOCIDE anywhere in the world like that of the Africans in the Congo. Them we embrace and pray that the Good Lord strengthen them and protect them. And, those like you, we pray that either you be converted to the Truth or may the Great God deal with you however he sees FIT.

Prof. Yaa-Lengi Ngemi, President of Congo Coalition and author of Genocide in the Congo.]

[18] Rebecca Hamilton, "Special Report: The Wonks Who Sold Washington on Sudan," Reuters, July 11, 2012.


[19] Eric Reeves, "Genocide's Victory," Op/Ed, Boston Globe, December 8, 2007.


[20] "Fascism is only the organized political expression of the structure of the average man's character. It is the basic emotional attitude of the suppressed man of our authoritarian machine-civilization and its mechanistic-mystical conception of life." Wilhem Reich, The Mass Psychology of Fascism (Die Massenpsychologie des Faschismus), 1933.


[21] Rebecca Hamilton, Fighting for Darfur: Public Action and the Struggle to Stop Genocide, Palgrave Macmillan, 2011: p. 139.

[21-a] Five different perspectives on the ongoing crisis in the Darfur region explore the ethical and political questions behind popular calls for humanitarian intervention and regime change in Sudan.  Panelists include: Co-Director of the IAC in New York, Sara Flounders; Professor of Anthropology, Dr. Elliot Fratkin; investigative journalist, Keith Harmon Snow; researcher on war crimes, Dimitri Oram; and Associate Professor of Anthropology, Enoch Page.  This event on the crisis in Darfur was held on July 6, 2006 at Smith College in Massachusetts.  Listen to the panel presentations reproduced on KPFA's Guns & Butter radio show in two parts on August 16 & 23, 2006: Part one: ; part two: .


[22] See, for example: keith harmon snow, "Oil in Darfur? Special Ops in Somalia? The New Old "Humanitarian" Warfare in Africa," February 1, 2007; and "Merchant's of Death: Exposing Corporate-Financed Holocaust in Africa," Global Research, December 7, 2008.


[23] See, for example, the discussion of Nicholas Kristof's propaganda in: keith harmon snow, "Petroleum and Empire in North Africa: Muammar Gaddafi Accused of Genocide? NATO Invasion Underway," ConciousBeingAlliance.com, March 3, 2011.


[24] Personal communication, Rene Lemarchand, August 2, 2012.  René Lemarchand is a French political scientist who is known for his research on ethnic conflict and genocide in Rwanda, Burundi and Darfur. He is a Professor Emeritus at the University of Florida, and has worked as a USAID consultant in Côte d'Ivoire (1992-1996) and Ghana (1997-1998).


[25] Roger Rosenblatt & Sebastio Salgado's story, "The Last Place on Earth," Vanity Fair, July 1993, was turned into a coffee table picture book published in December 1994.


[26] See, e.g., Ann Garrison, "South Sudan Independence? Really?" July 10, 2010; and Profile: Joseph C. Wilson, Africa Confidential, accessed December 11, 2010.


[27] Prendergast et al, Sudan: The Lost Boys: Child Soldiers and Unaccompanied Boys in Southern Sudan, Human Rights Watch, Vol. 6, No. 10, November 1994.


[28] Makau Mutua, Human Rights: A Political and Cultural Critique, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002.


[29] John Prendergast, Not On Our Watch: The Mission to End Genocide in Darfur and Beyond, Hyperion, 2007: p. 142-143.


[30] Director of U.S. Committee for Refugees to Present Lecture, Press Release, Smith College, March, 1999.


[31] Prior to Public Talk, Smith Professor to be Honored for Sudan Advocacy, Press Release, Smith College, October 16, 2000.


[32] While warning the reader that Mahmood Mamdani's scholarship as regards Sudan and the Great Lakes of Africa is compromised by his formerly close relationship to Yoweri Museveni and Paul Kagame and the NRM during the bush war (1980-1986) and years after (1986-1996), the reader can find an excellent accounting of Dr. Eric Reeves' disinformation and manipulation of mortality statistics in: Mahmood Mamdani, Saviors and Survivors: Darfur, Politics & the War on Terror, Pantheon, 2009.


[33] AMERICA'S SUDAN POLICY: A NEW DIRECTION? JOINT HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA AND SUBCOMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL OPERATIONS AND HUMAN RIGHTS OF THE COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, ONE HUNDRED SEVENTH CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION, MARCH 28, 2001, Serial No. 107-8.


[34] "Sudan/Britain: On Her Majesty's Secret Service," Africa Confidential, January 2005.


[35] "Former U.S. Envoy Calls for Military Action Against Sudan," Sudan Tribune, June 16, 2011.


[36] Eoin Butler, "Our Man in South Sudan," The Irish Times, Saturday December 17, 2011, .


[37] See: USAID Photo gallery, "Sudan: Disseminating the Peace," USAID web site, 2006, http://gemini.info.usaid.gov/photos/displayimage.php?pos=-894.


[38] "Sudan Mirror Sheds Light:" www.wfd.org/case-studies/sudan-mirror-sheds-light.aspx.


[39] 2009 interview with Dan Eiffe, publisher of Sudan Mirror, part 1: http://citizenshift.org/interview-dan-eiffe-publisher-sudan-mirror-nairobi-kenya; part 2: http://citizenshift.org/interview-dan-eiffe-part-2-publisher-sudan-mirror; and part 3: http://citizenshift.org/node/23679&term_tid=54.

[40] Daniel Pipes and Patrick Clawson, "Interview with Elliott Abrams: 'Religious Freedom is More Important Today'," 
Middle East Quarterly
, Winter 2001.


[41] Christopher Hitchens, The Trial of Henry Kissinger, Verso, 2001.


[42] "Pseudo-operations" were developed, defined and practiced during the so-called 'Mau Mau insurgency" by British military commander Frank Kitson, and their efficacy did not escape notice of the Pentagon.  See, for example: Frank Kitson, Gangs and Counter-Gangs, London: Barrie and Rockliff, 1960; Frank Kitson, Low-Intensity Operations: Subversion, Insurgency & Peacekeeping, Faber & Faber, 1971; and Kline, Pseudo-Operations and Counter-Insurgency: Lessons from Other Countries, U.S. Army War College External Research Associates Program, June 2005.


[43] See: keith harmon snow, "The Rwanda Genocide Fabrications: Human Rights Watch, Alison Des Forges and Disinformation on Central Africa," Dissident Voice, April 13, 2009.


[44] See, e.g., Roger Winter, "Power, not tribalism, stokes Rwanda's slaughter,"The Globe and Mail, April 14,1994 (reprinted by the US Comrnittee for Refugees, Washington, D.C.).


[45] Roger Winter and Jeff Drumtra, "Responding to the Rwanda Crises: Declare Genocide and Other Policy Steps," News from the U.S. Committee for Refugees, May 3, 1994--a six page USCR document "unclassified released in full" by the U.S. State Department on 8 June 2004.


[46] Roger P. Winter, "How Human Rights Groups Miss the Opportunity to do Good," Washington Post, February 22, 1998, p. C02.


[47] Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1993-2003: Report of the Mapping Exercise documenting the most serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law committed within the territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo between March 1993 and June 2003, August 2010, http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Countries/ZR/DRC_MAPPING_REPORT_FINAL_EN.pdf


[48] Philip Gourevitch, "Letter from the Congo: Continental Shift," New Yorker, August 4, 1997.


[49] Nik Gowing, 'Dispatches from Disaster Zones': The reporting of Humanitarian Emergencies, Conference Paper, London, 27 and 28 May 1998.


[50] See: keith harmon snow, "Pentagon Produces Satellite Photos of 1994 Rwanda Genocide,"ConsciousBeingAlliance.com, April 6, 1994.


[51] Colum Lynch, "U.S. agents were seen with rebels in Zaire: Active participation is alleged in military overthrow of Mobutu," Boston Globe, 8 October 1997, A2.


[52] See: A. Walter Dorn, Intelligence at UN Headquarters? The Information and Research Unit and the Intervention in Eastern Zaire 1996, Intelligence and National Security, Vol. 20, No. 3, September 2005, pp.440 - 465, .

[53] Roger P. Winter, "How Human Rights Groups Miss the Opportunity to do Good," Washington Post, February 22, 1998, p. C02.


[54] Charlayne Hunter-Gault, "Zaire in Turmoil," PBS Newshour, May 17, 1997, .


[55] Filip Reyntjens, The Great African War: Congo and Regional Geopolitics, 1996-2006, Cambridge University Press, 2009.


[56] Roger P. Winter and Jeff Drumtra, Military Deployment in Eastern Zaire Would be Misguided, USCR Press Release, 27 November 1996, .


[57] Johanna McGeary, "How should we help? Humanitarian missions can't cure political conflicts," Time Magazine, November 25, 1996, .

Written by: Keith Harmon Snow

Photography Credits: Keith Harmon Snow