Menon's Visit to Sri Lanka - What Did He Achieve?

Asked if India has set a date for Sri Lanka to complete the political process, Menon said: "I don't think that is the way it is going to move forward."

Advisor Shivshankar Menon and President Majinda Rajapakse Photo courtesy: gulf-times.com

(CHENNAI, India) - Indian National Security Advisor Shivshankar Menon arrived in Colombo on Thursday 28 June 2012 and held talks with President Mahinda Rajapaksa as well as the leader of the main Tamil party TNA, R Sampanthan on Friday 29 June. He also held talks with Minister of Economic Development, Basil Rajapaksa, and Defence Secretary, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, during his whistle stop visit.

On arrival he said, "My visit to Sri Lanka today has been in the context of regular consultations and exchange of views between the government of India and the government of Sri Lanka," Menon also discussed the contentious issue of the treatment of fishermen, who inadvertently cross territorial waters. Menon said the practical arrangements of October 2008 should be adhered to until an alternative mechanism is agreed upon.

"We agreed that fishermen's associations on both sides, which had met in the past and reached some understandings, needed to meet again to work on developing this further. This could then serve as the basis for finding a solution to this humanitarian issue," he said. He made no mention of the 500 over fishermen killed by the Sri Lankan navy during the last couple of years.

During Menon's meetings, the two sides also discussed maritime cooperation and other security related issues. They also reviewed the progress of Indian-assisted projects, ostensibly meant to help the Tamil Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) but in reality aided and abetted Sinhalese colonisation. The development of railway infrastructure in the Northern and Southern provinces also came in for review.

In the past two years, India had committed $750 million under lines of credit and another $350 million under grants-in-aid. There are a number of other new projects under consideration. Under these assistance schemes the IDPs are supposed to receive 50,000 houses, but three years after the end of the war, hardly a 1,000 houses had been delivered. Whatever aid that India provided in the form of agricultural implements went mostly to Sinhalese colonisers, as these aids were channelled through the Sri Lankan government.

Meanwhile, the army is building numerous ‘War Hero Villages’ for ex-Sinhala soldiers in the Tamil Homeland. The houses in these villages cost a million rupees each, while Indian built houses supposedly for IDPs cost around half a million rupees. India after having reduced the Tamils to such a helpless state is now beginning to realise how treacherous the Sinhalese can be.

Menon returned home from Colombo on Friday 29 June after a full day meeting with the Rajapakasa Triumvirate – President Mahinda Rajapaksa and his brothers Basil and Gotabhaya. At the end of those meetings, he didn’t even have a clue of what the Sri Lankan government’s intentions were. Obviously, Menon did not receive any specific time frame on devolution package for the Tamils.

"Our interlocutors gave us the impression that they are somewhat serious about doing something. They talked about holding elections in the Northern Province, but did not say when that will happen," a member of Menon's team told the Sunday Island. In other words, the President and his brothers were vague, non-committal and reluctant to say what they plan to do and when.

The government had been deferring the northern provincial polls despite calls from the global community. The government recently announced snap polls for three provinces in the south, but claimed that demining operations and slow pace of voter registration in the Northern Province was delaying the holding of polls there. The real reason is Rajapaksa has a blueprint for colonisation of the North; if Tamil representatives are in control of the area they will oppose Sinhalese schemes.

Sampanthan told the Sunday Times, “We talked with each other about matters of concern. On the question of elections to the NPC, the government has given a number of reasons. It says land mines will have to be removed; the displaced have to be resettled and administrative issues overcome. How did they hold Presidential and Parliamentary elections?” Sampanthan asked. Since the Provincial Councils were established, there have been no elections in the Northern Province alone. After 1988 no election was held for the North-East Provincial Council.”

A government source said Rajapaksa made clear he was willing to move forward on the question of election. He explained that he agreed “in principle” that elections should be held to the NPC but it would have to be after demining in all areas was completed and the “other necessary conditions” were created.

Sri Lankan External Affairs Minister, GL Peiris, and his Foreign Ministry didn’t figure very much in the meetings with Menon, giving the impression that his utilities are now over and he is now sidelined. This is not a serious problem for GL, as he is a professional political party hopper. He was the chief negotiator for Sri Lanka during the February 2002 Ceasefire with the Tamil Tigers. At that time he was in Ranil’s UNP; now, going back to the party will not be a problem.

Sushma Swaraj, who led the parliamentary delegation in April this year persuaded Sampanthan to participate in the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC), set up by Rajapaksa, to find solution to the ethnic problem in Sri Lanka. Sampanthan persisted in his view that no useful purpose could be served by participating in PSC, as it is dominated by Sinhalese parties that are totally opposed to any form of devolution of power to the Tamils that would help them to control their own destiny. This is the experience of all Tamil leaders in their negotiations with Sinhala leaders for the past sixty years. Rajapaksa’s attitude is hardly any different now.

Menon realised that the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) leader R Sampanthan’s view on the PSC had been vindicated and he did not pressurise him to participate in the PSC. Sampanthan conveyed to Menon that the TNA does not see any point in getting involved in "what looks like an infructuous process." Menon and his team returned home with the impression that Colombo is yet to put together a decent plan of action to achieve genuine political reconciliation even more than three years after the ethnic war that ended up so brutally.

The Tamils made it clear to Menon that the Rajapaksa has no intention whatsoever of doing anything worthwhile to tackle the ethnic tangle. Apart from indulging in delaying tactics like setting up the PSC, the government of the day has no clear and concrete game plan to find a genuine solution to a festering problem.

TNA will join the PSC only when an agreement is reached in bilateral talks with the government that sets a road map for progress. Otherwise, the talks will drag on aimlessly for years with no progress in sight. This is the standard Sinhalese practice to hoodwink the world, while colonisation will go on at full speed. However, the government does not seem keen to resume bilateral talks.

Though Menon’s trip achieved precious little, the official defended it thus: "It was a good high-level exchange of views.” However, the proof of the pudding is in eating. Menon’s comments were equally evasive as Rajapaksa’s was.

Talking to Colombo-based Indian reporters at the end of his visit on Friday, Menon refused to say if India is satisfied with Sri Lanka's peace and reconciliation process with the Tamils. "The goal [of the Indian engagement] is much bigger...[It is] to get this [the reconciliation process] to the right place," The Hindu today reported him as saying.

Asked if India has set a date for Sri Lanka to complete the political process, Menon said: "I don't think that is the way it is going to move forward."

When a reporter asked if he is satisfied with the pace of progress on the reconciliation front, Menon said: "You are asking me if it is good, bad etc... I have told you what we would like: a united Sri Lanka, within which all communities feel they are in control of their own destiny, and they are satisfied. They have told me what they are doing, briefed me on where they are going, how they can take it forward. Ultimately they have to move it forward themselves. They will.... We are not going to sit here and make the atmosphere either easier or more difficult by making statements."

"Political reconciliation is clearly a Sri Lankan issue which Sri Lanka has to do, but India will continue to remain engaged with all concerned and continue to support their efforts. We will continue to support, help...do whatever we can to make sure that it moves in the right direction."

India has been urging the Rajapaksa regime to fully implement the discredited 13th amendment that provides for devolution of power to Tamil-dominated areas, as an urgent measure to achieve reconciliation with the Tamil minority. Rajapaksa has been making varying statements on giving effect to the 13th amendment. Indians are apparently unhappy Rajapaksa is not willing to implement this 13th Amendment, although Tamil politicians of any hue had condemned it on both sides of the Palks Straits. Rajapaksa’s main objection to the 13th Amendment is that the Northern and Eastern provinces, which are traditional homeland to the Tamils will have to be merged and that is the only item in favour of the Tamils in that amendment. The devolution package in the amendment doesn’t give any power to the Tamils to control their destiny.

Sri Lankan officials had denied speculation that Menon pressed for de-escalation of the military presence in the war-ravaged north. If he had failed to do that he had done yet one more disservice to the Tamils. The army has a strangle hold on the Tamil civilians in the north. White van disappearances, land grab, abduction for ransom and political reasons and abuse of women are rampant under army rule. If India is oblivious to this, it doesn’t speak much of its 5,000 year old civilisation.

He didn’t fail to emphasise that, “Sri Lanka is our close neighbour, with whom we enjoy a multifaceted and dynamic relationship. We look forward to strengthening and further developing this engagement.” At the same time he should have observed that the Tamils are part of the Indian nation.

It appears that there were two key factors for Menon’s visit to Colombo. Sushma Swaraj, leader of the opposition in the Lok Sabha, handed over to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh her report that has yet to be published. Among the key points she raised with UPFA leaders during the visit was the implementation of the LLRC recommendations “with regard to information on missing persons and detainees, investigation of cases of disappearances and abductions, promotion of a trilingual policy, reduction of high security zones, return of private lands by the military and demilitarization, including phasing out of the involvement of military activities and restoration of civilian administration in the Northern Province.” No progress has been made on any of these yet.

The second factor is the upcoming Universal Periodic Review (UPR) at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva. Sri Lanka’s human rights record is expected to come up for review in early November. The UPR involves a review of the human rights records of all 192 UN Member States once every four years. It is a significant innovation of the Human Rights Council which is based on equal treatment for all countries.

India is the head of a three-nation team, the others being Benin and Spain, to review Sri Lanka’s human rights report together with UNHRC members. This report would go before the Council and will hold the key to determine whether or not the human rights issues raised by India and the international community have been accepted and implemented by Sri Lanka.

Thus, the Sri Lanka report is of particular significance in the light of the March 2013 sessions of the Human Rights Council. The US-backed resolution, which received India’s backing, will determine the posture India takes at the UNHRC meetings. He went to Colombo to persuade Rajapaka to make progress on the Human Rights front.

Rajapaksa, a shrewd and crafty operator, thinks he can manipulate India. After all he fought India’s war against the Tamil Tigers and India’s role in the genocide is not negligible. He is confident India will again find a way out for Sri Lanka, at least to save its own skin.

On the subject of reconciliation Menon noted that it was entirely a matter for the government of Sri Lanka and New Delhi respected that position. It is obvious he had no power to recommend anything and in any case what he says carries no weight.

He proposed to Rajapaksa that elections be held to the Northern Provincial Council (NPC). He asked Rajapaksa to make a firm commitment through an official announcement. This step, Menon explained, could give a signal to the international community that measures towards reconciliation had already begun. Sampanthan in turn told Menon about the “appropriation” of private land by the military. He said this is going on apace.

A desperate Menon made clear to Rajapaksa that India’s stance on upcoming international events related to Sri Lanka would hinge on the action taken by the Colombo government. In this regard, he also apprised the President of the compulsions the government in New Delhi was facing from political parties in the southern state of Tamil Nadu.

Whilst Menon emphasised the need for less involvement of security forces in the life of the community, Rajapaksa explained the government’s position that it was not so. He detailed out the military “de-escalation” in the north and how troops were assisting in development activity. He didn’t reveal to Menon the army’s involvement in development is to ensure their ultimate settlement in the Tamil Homeland.

A diplomatic source who summed up the visit said, “He (Menon) has placed India’s cards on the table. How India is going to play the game in the upcoming weeks at international events linked to Sri Lanka will now depend on how much Colombo is able to heed Indian wishes including past assurances given to it.

UNHRC High Commissioner Navanethem Pillay requested in May this year to send a delegation of special procedure mandate holders to Sri Lanka in keeping with the US-backed resolution approved by the Council in March this year. The third element in the resolution is for the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, in consultation with, and with the concurrence of, the government of Sri Lanka, to offer advice and technical assistance on implementing provisions in the resolution.

High Commissioner Pillay is also required to present a report to the Council on the matter at its 22nd sessions in March next year. She has also accepted a government invitation to visit Sri Lanka. EAM sources said that no official response has been sent so far to Pillay. The government was earlier averse to accepting special mandate holders to visit Sri Lanka. This is on the grounds that it would constitute “interference in the internal affairs of the country”. However, the government is not averse to Pillay’s visit though it is of the view that matters related to the US-backed resolution would not be discussed. However, the government has come under pressure from several international quarters to agree to a visit by special mandate holders and thus avoid adverse repercussions.

Menon repeated parrot fashion the refrain that India wished to see a unified Sri Lanka, in which all communities feel that they are in control of their destiny and they are satisfied. How does he expect the Sinhalese to fulfil this wish if their plan is to colonise the Tamil homeland and reduce the Tamils to second class citizens. Don’t the Tamils also have a wish – a wish to go free if they cannot take control of their own destiny in their Homeland? Why didn’t India entertain a similar wish when Bangladesh wanted to break away from Pakistan? Is it because the Tamils like Bengalis are not north Indians?

Shenali Waduge, a Sinhalese journalist, has put India’s attitude succinctly, “Tamil Eelam has without a doubt turned into an issue that has nothing to do with the Tamil people either in Tamil Nadu or in Sri Lanka and everything to do with India’s strategic interests. Eelam is nothing but a tool and a white horse to advance India’s strategic interest.” This is what India stands for in Sri Lanka.

Visvanathan